How should the Jewish population exist within the our nation?
Historical Origins and Early Interactions
The earliest recorded significant instance of this enduring problem in Russia is the Judaising Heresy that began in Novgorod in 1470. The Jew Zechariah, arriving from Kiev, successfully misled two spirituals, Dionis and Aleksei, asserting that only the Law of Moses was divine, that Christ the Redeemer was an invention, and that the Messiah was not yet born.
This heresy also denied prayer to icons and was obviously a mixture of [[02_ARCHIVE/08 heresies/Judaism]] and Christian rationalism, spreading with the aid of five Jewish accomplices. Although some claim Jews did not participate in its introduction or spread, evidence suggests otherwise. The struggle against the Judaizers established a posture toward Judaism in Muskovy Rus, demonstrating the inherent foreignness of Jews.
The Tsarist Empire: Policies of Integration and Restriction
With the annexation of Polish provinces in 1772, Jews in White Russia were legally made equal to Christians, a status they had not held in Poland. However, the existing Kahal System, which maintained Jewish isolation from the rest of the population, was preserved. The threat of complete removal from villages was seen by Jews as a measure set against their national religion.
The Kehilot, or Jewish communal bodies, sought to cancel these measures and regain their full power over the Jewish population.
Throughout the 19th century, the Tsarist government pursued a dual policy: to "civilise" Jews and transform them into useful subjects, while also minimising their "harmful" effect on society.
Attempts at Agricultural Integration: Enlightened Jews, though few, supported the governmental initiative to move their people towards productive work, but only through incentives, not coercion. Despite eighty years of efforts to accustom Jews to agriculture, the initiative largely failed. After the repeal of disproportionate Jewish recruitment, farming lost its appeal for Jews, who interpreted it as freedom from such obligations and a right to migrate. It became apparent that Jews engaged in rural activity often preferred leasing land and using wage-earners rather than performing physical labour themselves, citing a lack of accustomedness to it.
Reforms under Alexander I and [[Tzar Nicholas I]]: During Alexander I's reign, Jewish deputations sought equal rights in taxation and unlimited admission to magistrates. Alexander I, sensitive to the "venerable people of the Old Covenant," supported the creation of the Society of Christians of Israel for converted Jews, granting them privileges, but it soon ceased to exist due to a lack of converts. Decembrist Pestel even proposed either fully merging Jews into the Christian population or helping them establish a separate state in Asia Minor.
The Qahal and Jewish Internal Life: The Kehalim fiercely opposed state interference in Jewish life. From a traditional religious standpoint, living in the diaspora was seen as a historical punishment requiring adherence to the Law and separation from surrounding peoples to merit God's forgiveness and return to Palestine. However, liberal Jewish historians viewed the dominant Jewish class as incapable of creative work. Despite the abolition of the Qahal in 1844, its influence lingered, and community leaders' administrative power was significantly weakened only after reforms that also ended the burdensome recruiting obligation and special taxation.
Education and Assimilation Efforts: The Committee for the Transformation of the Life of the Jews aimed to train rabbis and teachers "according to pure ethical foundations" rather than "calcified talmudists". Despite initial successes, the Jewish population often distrusted government education, viewing it as a means of persecution and fearing "free-thinking" schools. Wealthy Jewish families often sent children of the poor to public schools in place of their own. While Jewish intelligentsia members believed in merging with the dominant nationality and some claimed "Jews, as a nation, do not exist," asserting themselves as "Russians of the Mosaic faith," this aspiration often came with conditions. Lev Levanda, for instance, stated he would only become a Russian patriot once the Jewish Question was conclusively resolved. True patriotism, however, demands unconditional love for one's Motherland. While assimilation was a commonplace phenomenon, it often created a link between Russian Judaism and Russia's future, though some rejected the term, claiming Russian culture could be embraced without abandoning Hebrew heritage. After the disillusionment of the 1880s, many Jewish intellectuals, though deeply imbued with the idea of assimilation, sought to achieve equality of rights without losing their Jewish identity.
Brafman's Influence: Yakov Brafman, a baptized Jew, gained official favour by exposing the Qahal system in his 1869 work The Book of Kahal. This book, which revealed the "all-encompassing absoluteness of the personal and material powerlessness of the community member," was adopted as an "official guidebook" by authorities. It instilled a "fanatical hatred toward Jews as the ‘worldwide enemy of Christians’" and spread misconceptions about Jewish life. Brafman controversially argued that Jewish self-rule extended globally, creating a "Talmudic republic" that aimed to confuse Christians and exploit their property. He viewed the Talmud as a civil and political code working "against the political and moral development of Christian nations," and accused Jewish societies of a "Jewish world conspiracy".
Rising Tensions and the Pogroms
The years between 1881 and 1905 saw a significant deterioration in the situation of Jews in the Tsarist empire. While earlier historians argued pogroms were centrally planned, recent work has demonstrated their largely spontaneous character, primarily as a response to growing rural stratification after the abolition of serfdom. The perceived prosperity of some Jews, such as the wealthy sugar refiner Israel Brodsky, provided an easy explanation for peasants unable to understand why the abolition of serfdom had not improved their lot. As I. Orshansky prophetically noted in 1871, hostility to Jews would persist and likely increase until the divergence between their actual and juridical position was removed.
The Kishinev pogrom of 1903 exemplifies the tragic events of this period. While official reports on casualties vary, horrific details of violence and torture, including eye gouging and nails driven into bodies, were circulated. Foreign press rapidly disseminated these gruesome, often fabricated, details, leading to widespread international condemnation of Russia. Forensic pathologists and even the prosecutor's own investigations found no evidence to support claims of torture or rape, yet these fabrications became widely accepted facts. The Russian government's awkwardness and lack of understanding of public relations meant it failed to effectively refute these lies, thus allowing the name of Russia to be blackened forever. A notorious forgery, a letter from Minister Plehve allegedly ordering the pogrom, was circulated, despite later investigations finding no proof of its authenticity and its author (Braham) being denied by Plehve's declared enemy, Lopoukhine. The subsequent trial in Kishinev was transformed by liberal and radical opposition into a battle against the autocracy, with lawyers attempting to prove government instigation.
Prominent Russian voices also grappled with the Jewish Question. I.S. Aksakov, an opponent of full civil liberty for Jews, saw the 1881 pogroms as a manifestation of popular anger against the "Jewish yoke over the Russian local people," noting the absence of theft and a simple-hearted conviction in the justice of their actions. He argued for "the equal rights of Christians with Jews". Conversely, M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, while acknowledging Jewish moneylenders, questioned blaming an entire people. The progressive press often viewed the pogroms through the lens of the aggressor, portraying the peasants as destitute, thereby ignoring the suffering of the Jewish victims. N.P. Ignatiev, Minister of Internal Affairs, reported to the Tsar that Jewish economic activity, tribal exclusivity, and religious fanaticism were harming the Christian population, accusing Jews of exploiting the poorest classes for their own gain. He advocated for "energetic measures" to protect the population.
Jewish Responses: Assimilation, Nationalism, Revolution
The deteriorating situation led to a rejection of integrationist policies among much of the educated Jewish elite. Ethnicity, rather than religion, became the main marker of Jewish identity, solidifying Jews as a "proto-nation".
Zionism: The idea of a separate Jewish state, as proposed by Decembrist Pestel, foreshadowed the Zionist movement. "Lovers of Zion" circles emerged, advocating a return to Palestine. Theodor Herzl's pamphlet, _A Jewish State_, ignited the spirit of Eastern Judaism. Ahad Haam, a leading Zionist, focused on spiritual renewal and a cultural center in Palestine, rather than a political state, criticising Herzl's pragmatism and indifference to Jewish spiritual values. Plehve, the Minister of Interior, saw the formation of a Jewish state as desirable for Russia to shed its poor and uneducated Jewish population, but feared Zionism's potential to shift from promoting emigration to political struggle within Russia itself.
Autonomism: Figures like Simon Dubnow sought to "normalize" the Jewish situation through self-emancipation and the establishment of a Jewish territory. Chaim Zhitlovsky advocated for Jewish national rights, particularly linguistic autonomy in Yiddish, and sought to combine nationalism with socialism after the disillusionment of the 1881-83 pogroms.
Revolutionary Movements: Jewish youth, though not fully joining the Russian revolutionary ranks, showed interest in socialist ideas, with some figures like Valt-Lessine advocating a convergence of internationalism and Judaic nationalism. The Jewish question became complex for revolutionaries, as defending Jews could incite hatred. Prominent Jewish publicists like G. Gershuni stated that persecutions drove Jews to revolution. G.A. Landau observed that socialism took deep root in Jewish society, leading to a "negation of civil society" and contempt for bourgeois culture. This revolutionary ideology proved "doubly destructive" for both Russia and the Jews. In the first half of 1879, Jews constituted 4% of defendants accused of crimes against the State, rising to 6.5% in 1880.
The Tsarist government grew alarmed by the substantial Jewish activism among students. Baron Morits von Hirsch noted that government policy was rooted in the perception that Jews, with their "multi-millennial culture," were "more spiritually and intellectually powerful than the still ignorant and unpolished Russian people," necessitating measures to balance the "low capacity of the local population to resist".
After the 1905 revolutionary events, Jewish leaders, feeling triumphant, rejected conciliation with the Tsar, proud of the audacity displayed by Jewish revolutionary youth. They believed that the problem of equal rights could only be solved by overthrowing the Tsarist regime.
The February Revolution and the Rise of Bolshevism
The February Revolution, though carried out by "Russian hands and Russian foolishness," was permeated by an "intransigent hostility to the historical Russian state" that was not characteristic of ordinary Russians but was present among Jews. This hostility sharpened after the Beilis trial and the mass expulsions of Jews in 1915. Jacob Schiff, a prominent American financier, openly hostile to Russian absolutism, congratulated the Russian people on the revolution and extended significant credit to the Provisional Government, with some sources even suggesting he financed the revolution itself. Testimonies confirm the widespread ecstasy among Russian Jews regarding the February Revolution.
Immediately following the revolution, Jews for the first time occupied important posts in central and regional administrations. Two Jewish leaders, Nakhamkis-Steklov and Gummer-Sukhanov, were instrumental in the Executive Committee of the Soviets, effectively dictating to the Provisional Government. While some, like Vinaver, advised caution and urged Jews to avoid highly visible posts, many prominent Jewish figures refused ministerial roles but occupied influential deputy minister positions.
However, the "intoxication" of the first months soon gave way to growing resentment against Jews among the masses, which spread throughout Russia. People in waiting lines, for example, complained there were "virtually no Jews in the lines, they don’t need it as they have enough bread hoarded," seeing this as a dangerous source of "Black Hundred propaganda". Despite this, Jews were among the most ardent champions of "Great Russia" and opposed federalisation, understanding that the disintegration of the country would fracture Jewry.
Jews and the Soviet State: Power, Persecution, and Cultural Suppression
The theme of "Jews alongside the Bolsheviks" is not new, with many arguing that the revolution was "anything but Russian". While some Jewish authors denied their community's share in the revolution, arguing that these Jews were "renegades," it was clear that Bolsheviks readily used Jews in the state apparatus and the Party due to their "competence, intelligence and the particularism of the Jews towards the Russian population".
Bolshevik Policies and Jewish Involvement: The persecution of Christians under the Bolsheviks surpassed all previous historical violence. While one cannot blame everything on Jews, their influence was disproportionately great, with Jewish "commissioners" being particularly zealous actors in militant atheism. Patriarch Tikhon even formally complained about a Jewish investigating magistrate who publicly outraged religious beliefs.
Some argue that a people who suffered such persecution throughout history could not avoid becoming bearers of revolutionary doctrine and socialism, which offered hope of escape from being pariahs. Indeed, Bolshevism became a viable "trade" for hungry urban Jews. Pasmanik highlighted that Bolshevism shared with Judaism "the concern for happiness on earth and that of social justice". The Kiev [[Cheka]], for example, had a staff that was 75% Jewish, with commanders almost exclusively Jewish. This is a fact that the Jewish people must remember and reflect upon. A 1923 proclamation, "To the Jews of all countries!", lamented the "overly zealous participation of Jewish Bolsheviks in the oppression and destruction of Russia," noting that Soviet rule was identified with Jewish rule, turning fierce hatred of Bolsheviks into an equally fierce hatred of Jews.
The phenomenon of Jewish leadership in revolutionary movements was not confined to Russia; the "Bavarian Soviet Republic" was led by "Leftist intellectual Jews," a fact that significantly contributed to the resurrection of political anti-Semitism in Germany.
Jewish Support for the White Movement: Initially, some Jews in Rostov supported the White movement, even donating significant funds to anti-Bolshevik Cossack troops. However, the White armies often adopted a hostile attitude towards Russian Jewry, which largely explains the "extremely weak and reluctant assistance" from Western powers and Wall Street's eventual support for the Bolsheviks as the more likely future rulers of Russia's riches.
Anti-Semitism in the USSR: Despite official proclamations against anti-Semitism, it re-emerged and spread to areas where Jews had never lived before. Professor Klyutchnikov (1926) pointed to an "imbalance" in the proportion of Jews in the country and their temporary prominence in cities, noting how Russians felt "squeezed out" and observed Jews in "relatively warm covered Jewish kiosks with bread and sausage" while Russians froze in queues. He asserted a "terrible disproportion in the government structure" and rising "national dissatisfaction". Foreign Jewish circles often failed to perceive the oppression of Jews in the USSR, believing Stalin protected them from pogroms and fearing the Soviet regime's demise.
The Evsek (Jewish Section of the Communist Party): This organisation, fanatically communist, decreed Hebrew a "language of reaction and counter-revolution" in 1919, requiring Yiddish in Jewish schools. The Evsek "mercilessly battled against Judaism, traditional Jewish education, Jewish social structures, independent Jewish organizations, political parties and movements, Zionism and Hebrew". They even orchestrated "public trials of the Jewish religion". While initially powerful, the leading Evseks were arrested and executed in 1937-38, accused of carrying out the "greatest pogrom against Jewish culture" in service of the authorities.
Jewish Role in Soviet Life: Jews found wide opportunities in science and culture, and played an impressive role in early Soviet cinematography. By the end of the 1930s, the role of Jews in various spheres of Soviet life reached its apogee, with a significant percentage of economically active Jews employed as state employees, engineers, managers, doctors, teachers, writers, and artists. However, during collectivisation, a "considerable number of Jewish communists functioned in rural locales as commanders and lords over life and death," leaving a "persistent evil memory". While Soviet pens remained silent on the millions of peasants who perished from dekulakization and famine, suspicion arose among Ukrainians that the famine was the work of Jews, a "revenge of the Jews".
Purges and the Doctors' Plot: As Stalin's power grew, the number of Jews in the Soviet apparatus began to decline. The main blow fell on the "middle and most numerous stratum of the Jewish elite," particularly those with "nearly complete lack of ethnic ties". The 1953 "Doctors' Plot," accusing doctors (many of them Jewish) of sabotage, was a grave threat to Soviet Jewry, forcing prominent Jews to publicly condemn "Jewish bourgeois nationalists". Many loyal Soviet Jews were bewildered, believing the plot to be genuine.
Khrushchev's Era: While Khrushchev rejected accusations of anti-Semitism, he occasionally pointed out "negative features of Jews," such as "political unreliability," and refused to make a public statement about Jewish suffering, fearing similar demands from other nationalities. The "struggle against Zionism" intensified after the mid-1950s, leading to persecution of Zionism and, by extension, Judaism, often through caricatures and anti-Jewish messages. Despite the efforts of Jewish organisations, the "conversion of Jews to agriculture ended in failure," and Jews were increasingly displaced from bureaucratic positions by "native intelligentsia".
The Post-War Period and Emigration
The "Jewish Question" continued to be a central concern in the West, particularly in the United States, which often ignored other pressing issues in the Soviet Union in favour of focusing on the Jewish plight. International campaigns for Jewish emigration from the USSR became prominent, often involving extensive media coverage of individual cases, sometimes based on exaggerations or fabrications. This intense focus on Jewish emigration highlighted a critical aspect: while many Soviet citizens suffered under the regime, only Jews seemed to have a "lifeboat"—the possibility of emigration.
The Exodus: The Jewish emigration from Russia, particularly in the 1970s, was a significant historical event. It was observed that Russian Jewry, having deeply merged with Russian culture and identified as Russians, eventually felt repulsed and chose to leave, a "voluntary" departure at the moment of greatest assimilation. This departure was seen by some as a return to their point of origin, after centuries of spreading across Eastern Europe.
Critiques of Jewish Historical Responsibility: The collection of essays _Russia and the Jews_ (1924) urged Jews to "admit their own mistakes and not to judge the Great Russia in which they had lived," calling on them to acknowledge their share of responsibility for historical events. This was fiercely denounced by many in Jewry, who saw such introspection as self-incrimination and an attack on Jewish dignity. Some critics angrily rejected any notion of Jewish collective guilt for the Russian Revolution, arguing that it was a problem to be posed only by anti-Semites.
However, some voices, like Mikhail Kheifets, who suffered in the Gulag, courageously called for Jewish repentance for their role in the evils committed in the Soviet Union in the name of communism. He asserted that the experience of the German people, who constantly cleansed themselves in the fire of national repentance for Nazism, should be a "paragon" for those who participated in the crimes of Bolshevism, including the Jews.
The "Russian Soul" and Jewish Perceptions: Many Jewish intellectuals, particularly after emigrating, often judged Russians in generalised and condemnatory terms, speaking of "pathological features of the Russian character" and accusing them of allowing horrors like the Oprichnina and Stalin's death camps. Some expressed outright contempt for Russian Orthodoxy and the Russian people, viewing them as easily succumbing to communist lies and abandoning their faith. This perspective suggests that any Russian who loves their nation "already has the potential for being pogromist".
Reflections and the Future of Russian-Jewish Relations
The author's intention is to "call a spade a spade" and foster mutual understanding between Russians and Jews, urging both to abandon fear of bluntness and to cease perceiving honesty as hostility. It is acknowledged that the Russian intelligentsia, through its deep sensitivity, often adopted the Jewish view of priorities, deeming everything progressive if it was a reaction against the persecution of Jews, and forbidding any criticism of Jewish conduct for fear of appearing anti-Semitic.
The complex and often painful history necessitates a willingness to examine past roles honestly. The Jewish Question, far from disappearing, remains a crucial and intertwined aspect of both Russian and Jewish histories. For true reconciliation, both sides must recognise their sufferings and their parts in the tragic events, moving beyond mutual accusations to a more profound understanding, a process that requires courage and a rational mind.