World War I

EVENTS | 20TH CENTURY | WAR

28 July 1914 – 11 November 1918

World War I (also known as the First World War or The Great War) was a large scale, fratricidal military conflict between 1914 and 1918 in which millions of people died.

The opposing sides were the Allied Entente Powers, which ultimately included Serbia, Montenegro, the Russian Empire, France, Belgium, the British Empire, Japan, the United States (from 2 April 1917) and China (from Aug 1917). Also, Italy (23 May 1915) and Romania (22 August 1916) both broke their treaties with the Central Powers and joined the Allies.

Opposing them were the Central Powers, which included the Austro-Hungarian and German Empires, Bulgaria, and the Ottoman Empire. Serbia was soon completely over-run by Austria-Hungary, and Montenegro sued for an armistice in 1916.

Russia was forced to accept defeat and withdrew from the war after the Bolshevik Revolution of October 1917, the Peace Treaty being signed at Brest-Litovsk in March the following year, followed by final Protocols in August.

The fighting that took place along the Western Front occurred along a system of trenches, breastworks, and fortifications separated by an area known as no man's land. These stretched 475 miles (more than 600 kilometres) and defined the war for many. On the Eastern Front, the vast eastern plains and limited Russian rail network prevented a trench warfare stalemate, though the scale of the conflict was just as large as on the Western Front.

The Middle-Eastern Fronts and the Italian Front also saw heavy fighting, while hostilities also occurred at sea, and for the first time, in the air. The Great War saw the first use of aircraft carriers in combat, with HMS Furious launching Sopwith Camels in a successful raid against the Zeppelin hangars at Tondern in July 1918.

The German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (for just over 8 months in 1916-17) Arthur Zimmermann, desperate to get Russia out of the war, helped to send Vladimir Lenin and other Jewish Bolsheviks into Russia on the infamous sealed train. Meanwhile the Zionists blackmailed the British Government in obtaining vital American bank war loans in return for being given a so-called Jewish People's Homeland in Palestine in the event of the Ottoman Empire's defeat.

At the end of the war the victorious Allies dismembered the three ancient empires: the Austro-Hungarian, German, Ottoman, with the Russians also losing provinces. Germany lost its colonial empire, Austria-Hungary its seaboard, and new artificial states such as Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia emerged on their territories, along with the resurrection of both Poland and Lithuania and the establishment of the independent states of Finland, Estonia, and Latvia. The cost of waging the war caused ructions in the British Empire (mainly in India) and left northern France devastated for several years.

The Great War marked the end of the old world order which had existed since at least the Napoleonic Wars, and the unjust Peace Treaties of 1919 were crucial factors in the outbreak of World War II.

Ethnic and Political Rivalries

A Balkan war between Serbia and Austria-Hungary was considered by some inevitable, as the Pan-Slav movement, which was motivated by ethnic and religious loyalties, and a rivalry with Austria dating back to at least the Crimean War, grew and became more aggressive. The rise of ethnic nationalism, particularly the 'Greater Serbia' movement, where anti-Austrian sentiment was perhaps most fervent, fuelled matters in this region. The increasing Serbian nationalist sentiment also coincided with the decline of the Ottoman Empire

After defeating the Turks, Austria-Hungary had occupied the former Ottoman province of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which had a large Serb minority population, in 1878. It was subsequently formally annexed as part of Austria-Hungary in 1908. Despite the model administration given to the two provinces, they were open to destabilisation by neighbouring Serbia. In 1903 the pro-Austrian Serbian ruling dynasty, the Obrenovics, were brutally murdered in a putsch by Serbian Officers, and the pro-Russian Karadjordjevic family were installed in their place. The latter were far more robust in pursuing a 'Greater Serbia' expansionist policy, and encouraged closer ties with Russia, which supported the Pan-Slav movement.

A myriad of other geopolitical motivations existed elsewhere as well, for example France's loss of Alsace and Lorraine, which they had occupied for 300 years, in the Franco-Prussian War, helped create a sentiment of irredentist revanchism in that country.

Balance of Power

One of the goals of the foreign policies of the Great Powers in the pre-war years was to maintain the so-called 'Balance of Power' in Europe. This evolved into an elaborate network of secret and public alliances and agreements. For example, after the Franco-Prussian war (1870-71), Britain was in favour of a strong Germany, against its traditional enemy, France. After Germany began to increase it strength, which included a 'place in the sun' with colonies, plus increasing the size of its navy, the attitude changed. France, smarting from its humiliating defeat by Germany in 1871, found an ally in Russia, who was pursing a Pan-Slav policy opposing Austria-Hungary. The latter Empire had concluded a natural mutual defence treaty with their Teutonic brethren in Germany.

When The Great War broke out, these treaties determined who entered the war and on which side. Britain had no treaties with Russia. However Britain's Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, had negotiated the Anglo-Russian Convention in 1907, and found itself increasingly supporting Russian interests. Egged on by a Russophile Ambassador, Arthur Nicolson, in St Petersburg from 1906-1910, the British Foreign Office increasingly saw the Balkans through Russian eyes. During the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina crisis in 1908, Sir Edward Grey supported the Russian point of view wholeheartedly.

Britain only had "agreements" with France, and formally entered the war because of the violation of Belgian neutrality, of which she (with Prussia!) was a guarantor. Italy had a treaty with both Austria-Hungary and Germany, yet refused to enter the war with them, later changing sides to the Allies who had secretly promised them Austrian territory. Romania also failed to honour its treaty with the Central Powers and instead joined the Entente who had offered them territories at their neighbours' expense.

Perhaps the most significant treaty of all was the defensive pact between Germany and Austria-Hungary, which Germany in 1909 reconfirmed by declaring that Germany was bound to stand with Austria-Hungary even if it had started a war.

Arms Race

The so-called naval race between Britain and Germany was intensified by the 1906 launch of HMS Dreadnought a revolutionary vessel whose size and power, notably the positions of its heaviest guns, rendered previous battleship designs partially obsolete. Britain at this time had the world's largest navy. Alfred Thayer Mahan's thesis was that a strong navy was vital to great nation status, and this appears to have been shared by the European great powers, all of whom had naval expansion plans in action.

Following Russia's defeat at the hands of Japan and with the rapid advances in armaments, particularly warships and their design, the Great Powers began modernising all aspects of their military capabilities. American historian David G Herrmann, and other post-war historians viewed this shipbuilding rivalry as part of a general movement in the direction of war. Count Max Montgelas had already demolished this as myth, and historian Niall Ferguson argued Britain's clear ability to maintain an overall naval lead signified this was not a factor in the oncoming conflict.

The cost of rearmament was felt by all the Great Powers in Europe. The total arms spending by Britain, Germany, France, Russia, Austria-Hungary and Italy increased by 50% between 1908 and 1913.

Plans

The thesis adopted by many is that the plans for mobilisation of Russia, Austria-Hungary, France and Germany (in that order), automatically escalated the conflict. It was a general maxim that "mobilisation means war".

Left-wing controversial historian Fritz Fischer, who took the 1919 Allied line arguing Germany was soley responsible for the war, emphasised what he saw as the inherently aggressive nature of the Schlieffen Plan, which was part of a two-front strategy. However, almost all European Empires and countries had common borders with another, and all High Commands, since Napoleonic times, had extensive strategic plans of action in place if a war was declared. Germany would therefore have to eliminate one major opponent quickly, before taking on the other. Germany had drawn up the Schlieffen plan as a fast moving strategy based on Clausewitz's theory that attack can be the best defence.

Germany did not want to risk all the terrain problems they encountered during the Franco-Prussian war, thus giving France time to properly mobilise. The plan therefore called for passage through Belgium and cripple the French Army by pre-empting its organisation. After the attack, the German Army would then rush east by railroad and quickly destroy what was expected to be slowly moving Russian forces.

France had concluded a military alliance with Russia on 17 August 1892 (not approved by the Tsar Alexander III until December 1893) coming into effect in 1894. In addition France spent hundreds of millions of Francs on a series of supposedly impregnable fortresses (i.e: Verdun), and by subsidising Belgium's construction of similar fortresses (i.e: Leige) to complement their own. Their principle line of movement was to be into the disputed provinces of Alsace and Lorraine which had been restored to Germany in 1871, and where the only fortifications were old (i.e: Metz).

France also concluded the Franco-Russian Naval Agreement on 16 July 1912.

Russia, following their defeat at the hands of the Japanese in 1904-5, lost interest in that part of the Far-East and reverted her attention to the Balkans where her ultimate goals were consolidation of the Slav states, and the Straits. With the French as long-standing partners in their conspiracy against the Teutonic Empires[9], Russia foresaw a mobilisation of its armies against both Austria-Hungary and Germany, a huge front, and in this respect France financed vast loans to the Imperial Russian Government for a string of new railways all heading towards the German and Austro-Hungarian frontiers.

All these plans created an atmosphere in which speed was one of the determining factors for victory. Elaborate timetables were prepared; once mobilizations had begun, there was little or no possibility of turning back. Also, the plans of France, Russia, & Germany (but not Austria-Hungary) were based upon some form of offensive, in clear conflict with the improvements of defensive firepower and entrenchment.

Anti-Imperial Propaganda

American anti-German propaganda poster degrading the Germans as "Huns"

It has been argued that aristocrats and military élites had too much power in Empires such as Germany, Russia, and Austria-Hungary, and that war was a consequence of their desire for armed forces and disdain for democracy. This theme figured prominently in anti-German sentiment propaganda. Consequently, supporters of this theory called for the abdication of rulers such as Kaiser Wilhelm II, as well as an end to aristocracy and militarism in general. This platform provided some justification for the entry of the USA into the war when the Russian Empire surrendered in 1917. American President Wilson hoped the League of Nations and disarmament would secure a lasting peace. He also acknowledged that variations of militarism, in his opinion, existed within the British and French Empires.

However this was a propaganda myth as Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia and Italy were by this time all democracies with representative parliaments. The Ottoman, alone of the Empires, remained autocratic.

Opposition & Support for the War

Some Jewish political activists, both of the Bolshevik and Zionist variety, favored the war seeing it as an opportunity for the destruction and breakup of empires.

Vladimir Lenin asserted that imperialism was responsible for the war. He drew upon the economic theories of Karl Marx and English economist John A. Hobson, who predicted that unlimited competition for expanding markets would lead to a global conflict. Cordell Hull, American Secretary of State under Franklin Roosevelt and a liberal free-trader, believed that tariff barriers were the root cause of both World War I and World War II. In 1944, he helped design the Bretton Woods Agreements to reduce trade barriers and eliminate what he saw as the cause of the conflicts.

The trades unions and socialist movements, controlled by Communists and their fellow-travellers, had long voiced their opposition to a war, which they argued, meant only that workers would kill other workers in the interest of capitalism. Once war was declared, however, the vast majority of socialists and trade unions backed their own countries. The exceptions were the Bolsheviks en bloc, the Italian Socialist Party, and individual agitators such as Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg and their followers in Germany. There were also small anti-war groups in Britain and France.

Other opposition came from conscientious objectors - some socialist, some pacifist, some religious - who refused to fight including Bertrand Russell. In Britain 16,000 people asked for conscientious objector status. Many suffered terms in prison. Even after the war, in Britain many job advertisements were marked "No conscientious objectors need apply". Many other countries also had similar laws like Britain and also jailed those who spoke out against the conflict.

July Crisis and Declarations of War

##### The Assassination

On the 28 June 1914, Gavrilo Princip, a Bosnian Serb failed student, assassinated the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, and his wife, in Sarajevo. Princip was a fanatical member of the Black Hand, a group whose aims included (article 1) "the union of all Serbs" and the organisation of revolutionary activity "in all lands inhabited by Serbs". The assassination in Sarajevo set into motion a series of fast-moving events that eventually escalated into full-scale war.

The Austro-Hungarian government, a great European power, were outraged by the assassination of the heir-apparent to their throne and his consort, and served an ultimatum on Serbia on July 23, with a number of clear demands. Two days later Serbia accepted most but not all, and mobilised. This resulted in partial mobilisation against Serbia by the Empire.

##### Mobilisations

It is a generally accepted maxim that mobilisation is a de facto declaration of war.

The German Chancellor had been made aware from intelligence reports that the French Ambassador in St Petersburg had advised Paris by telegram at 11.35 p.m. on July 20, 1914 that "the Russian Government had decided to take the first steps towards general mobilisation secretly." The German Chancellor therefore telegraphed the Russian Foreign Minister, Sazanov, the following day: "We would emphasise that the problem, in our view, is soley for Austria-Hungary and Serbia to solve, and one which it should be the earnest endeavour of the Powers to confine to the immediate participants."

On July 23, 1914 Austria-Hungary served an ultimatum upon the Serbian government with numerous demands, compliance with which would mean an acceptable peace. Austria insisted it had no wish to compromise Serbian sovereignty. Serbia rejected the ultimatum and, relying on the 'blank cheque' guaranteed support by Russia, ordered full mobilisation of its army at 3 p.m., on July 24, which was followed in turn by Austria’s partial mobilisation of eight Army Corps against Serbia on the evening of the following day.

"The Pan-Slav Russian Press became exceptionally excited, calling for immediate mobilisation." The Russian Ministerial Council, presided over by the Tsar, decided upon partial mobilisation (against Austria-Hungary) of thirteen Army Corps on July 24/5. These measures were conveyed to Paris, where the Russian Ambassador, Paléologue, stated that the Russian General Staff said "war had been a certainty since the 24th July" when France had assured Russia that she "would fulfil all the obligations of her military alliance". Russia ordered a "Period of Preparation for War" for the whole Empire on July 26, on which day Sir George Buchanan, British Ambassador in St Petersburg, telegraphed London: "Russia being sure of support by France will face all the risks of war." General Joffe later wrote that he and the French War Office were "delighted" that their covert war measures had so far been carried out without a hitch: July 27.

On July 29, Russia further mobilised by Imperial Ukase all the military districts on the Austrian frontier and generally against Austria-Hungary and Germany. Count Pourtales, German Ambassador at St. Petersburg telegraphed Berlin on July 29th: "All (Russian) troops recalled from manouevres, a part of them have departed for the Austrian Border."

Germany advised London that if a Russian offensive against Austria occurred, Germany would be obliged to respect her defence treaty obligations as Russia could engage 55 infantry divisions whereas Austria-Hungary could only raise 22 because of the reserves in place for action against Serbia.

On the same day France announced partial mobilisation, and the German General Staff minuted that they were feeling uneasy in a Memorandum to their Imperial Chancellor, that Russia already has twelve Army Corps on the German frontier and were making great "military dispositions". Further reports came from Paris, one of which states that "the French General Staff were surprised at Germany taking so few protective measures."

##### German negotiations to avoid war

Meanwhile the German Government appeared to still think that matters could be dealt with without a war and continued negotiations and attempts at mediation between the great powers.

Kaiser Wilhelm II, upon learning of the Austrian partial mobilisation against Serbia on the 24th, immediately telegraphed Tsar Nicholas II emphasising that Austria had only partially mobilised, and only against Serbia. At 9.19 p.m. on July 27 the German War Ministry telegraphed the German Military Attaché in St Petersburg: "No military measures are contemplated here. But we note that the (Russian) frontier guard is already mobilised, and that steps are being taken to close the frontier. Therefore request constant watch to be kept on Russian military measures and report." The following day Emperor Wilhelm II sent a note at 10 a.m., to Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, von Jagow, saying "There is no reason for war." Helmuth Johannes Ludwig von Moltke records that this Note was communicated at once to the Chief of the German General Staff. On the same day the German Government, through Herr von Schoen, declared "Germany was ready to work with the other powers for the preservation of peace."

The Imperial German Chancellor made urgent "let us decrease the tension" appeals to Paris, over French preparations for war, and to St Petersburg, on the afternoon of the 29th, which were met with evasive responses. The Chancellor asked the British Ambassador to convey to London Germany’s regret that the Austrian Government had rejected the British proposal for negotiations over Serbia which Berlin had supported. Kaiser Wilhelm II had meanwhile telegraphed the Austrian Emperor on the same day: "I could not see my way to refuse the Tsar's personal request that I should undertake to mediate with a view to averting a general conflagration and maintaining peace, and I have submitted proposals to your government through my Ambassador yesterday and today."

In a further telegram on July 29th to Tsar Nicholas, Kaiser Wilhelm said: "I cannot consider Austria's action against Serbia an 'ignoble' war but only a just punitive expedition. That it is not more is proved by the assurance given to your Government by the Vienna Cabinet. I think, therefore, that given this guarantee it will be possible for you (Russia) to remain a spectator in the Austro-Serbian conflict without driving the world into one of the most terrible of wars. I am ready to promote a direct understanding between you and Vienna which is possible and desireable. But Russian mobilisation against Austria might 'set the house in flames' and would place me in a most difficult position."

On the same day the Imperial Chancellor told the British Ambassador in Berlin that "We are continuing our efforts toward the maintenance of peace. However the result of a Russian attack on Austria and the obligations of our alliance with her would result in a conflagration. In this respect we hope that England would remain neutral." He added that Germany did not want a war with France.

On July 31 the German Ambassador Count Pourtales was received by Russia's Tsar Nicholas when he "begged the Tsar, if it were possible in any way, to check or to revoke Russian mobilisation", to which the Tsar replied "that for technical reasons that was no longer possible.

Austria declares war on Serbia

With the Serbian rejection of the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum, that empire declared war on Serbia, "in order to compel the Serbian Government to comply with the demands in full and establish guarantees for future good behaviour", at about 7 pm on July 28, 1914. The Serbs immediately appealed to Russia "the protector of Serbia" to "severely punish" Austria-Hungary.

##### Russia

In response to the Serbian request for assistance, Russian Foreign Minister Sazanov, now urged his government of the "necessity of general mobilisation without further delay". (Notwithstanding that partial mobilisations had been under way in Russia some time before this). Ukases were then drawn up and issued the same night for general mobilisation.

The Russian Ambassador at Vienna, Nikolai Nikolaievich Schebeko, called upon the German Ambassador there, Heinrich von Tschirschky (who had been Germany's Foreign Secretary until Oct 1907), at about 7 p.m. on July 29th, when he stated that "in his opinion a localisation of the Austro-Serbian conflict appeared to be impossible; that Russia felt herself to be threatened in her status as a Great Power as the result of Austria's actions against Serbia."

At 3 p.m. on July 30, the Russian Ambassador to Paris, Count Alexander Petrovich Izvolsky’s response to the calls for further negotiations were: "we cannot comply with Germany’s wishes, and have no alternative but to hasten with our military preparations and assume war is inevitable." That evening the Austrians were still only considering partial mobilisation for their Russian frontier, their Government having telegraphed St.Petersburg that "Austria really wishes to reach an understanding with Russia". However the next day, following receipt of military intelligence reports, Austria-Hungary announced full mobilisation "as a purely defensive measure". On the same day Montenegro mobilised against Austria-Hungary.

On July 31, after the Russian General Staff had informed the Tsar that partial mobilization was logistically impossible, a full mobilization of army and fleets was ordered throughout Russia. The German Ambassador at St.Petersburg telegraphed the German Foreign Office that his Military Attaché reported vast troop movements and trains carrying them West, which had commenced as early as the 29th July.

The Austrian Emperor Franz-Joseph telegraphed the German Emperor on July 31 to say that he had reluctantly ordered the mobilisation of his entire armed forces, including the navy, following the Russian full mobilisation against his Empire. The Germans, who had continued to hope for peace, were now being inundated with military intelligence reports of those preparing to attack them, and declared on July 31 a state of "threatening danger of war", a pre-mobilisation step.

The German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, von Jagow, subsequently served upon the Russian Ambassador at Berlin an extensive note for the Russian Government: "While Germany, striving since the commencement of the crisis to find a peaceful solution, was still continuing upon orders from her August Sovereign, its role of mediator between Austria-Hungary and Russia, you have proceeded to the full mobilisation of all your land and sea forces. Obviously the security of the German Empire is now menaced by this extreme measure which had not been preceded in Germany in similar measure. Our request to His Majesty the Emperor (of Russia) to stop this mobilisation for war (ultimatum of 31st) having been declined, His Majesty the Emperor, my August Sovereign, declares that he accepts the war which is forced upon him."

The full German Mobilisation Order was given by Erich von Falkenhayn (de), Minister of War, at 5 p.m. on 2 August, Germany being the last of the four Great Continental Powers to mobilise.

The Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at Berlin, Count Szogyény, telegraphed the Austrian Foreign Minister, Count Berchtold, the same day to advise that "Russian troops have crossed the German border near Schwiddin, south-east of Bialla. Russia has, therefore, attacked Germany. Germany consequently considers herself to be in a state of war with Russia. The Russian Ambassador was handed his passports this forenoon and will probably leave today".

##### France

As for France, the Russian Military attaché in Paris reported by telegram to St. Petersburg at 1 a.m. on 1 August: "The French War Minister informed me, in great spirits, that his Government are firmly determined on war, and begged me to endorse the hope of the French General Staff that all our efforts will be directed against Germany, and that Austria will be treated as a quantité négligeable.” France ordered full mobilisation the same day, although French cavalry regiments had taken up war positions on the German frontier on the 31st and further mounted troops were brought by train early the next morning, before official mobilisation. The German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, von Jagow, urgently telegraphed his Ambassador at Paris: "We want and contemplate no hostile action against France, despite their mobilisation. We are speaking with (England's) Sir Edward Grey and shall keep you informed".

Meanwhile, President Poincare advised the Russian Ambassador, Isvolsky, at 11 pm, that because of France’s Constitution it was necessary to obtain the consent of parliament before war could be declared, and at least two days would be required to summon a meeting of the Chamber. He said, therefore, that it would be better if the declaration of war were made by Germany. Given that France had mobilised against Germany, and already sent large formations to the frontier, a declaration of War between them was now purely a matter of form, as in three days French detachments had crossed the frontiers about 56 times. In addition French airmen had dropped bombs on the railway at Karlsruhe and Nuremberg on 2 August, and these violations were mentioned in the German Declaration of War against France by telegram at 6 p.m. on 3 August.

##### Belgium

On 29 July, German State Secretary von Jago formally communicated Germany's proposals in case of war to the German Ambassador in Brussels for submission to the Royal Belgian Government. The Ambassador replied to the Foreign Office in Berlin on 3 August confirming he had served the German Government's further note to the Belgian Government of August 2, delivered at 8 p.m., which had stated: "according to reliable information French forces intend to march on the Meuse via Givet and Namur, and that Belgium, in spite of the best intentions, would not be in a position to repulse, without assistance, any advance of French troops. The German Government would consider itself compelled to anticipate this attack and to violate Belgian territory. The German Government urged the Royal Belgian Government to assist the friendly passage of German troops to meet the French and that if the Belgians refused and put up a fight they will be considered an enemy. We emphasise that Germany had no hostile intentions of any sort towards Belgium. Germany would evacuate immediately peace was declared and that they would offer Belgium generous compensation." This was declined by the Belgian government. (Gustav Stresemann later stated in a speech to the Reichstag, 14 December 1925: "When Frederick The Great began the first Silesian War, he marched through Saxony, and some historians have questioned whether that was not a breach of neutrality. But before he put his troops in motion, all the Courts of Europe had received his Memorandum on his right of transit: not his excuses for his breach of neutrality.")

On 3 August 1914 at 11 a.m., mobilisation orders were issued in Great Britain, as France had falsely reported that Belgian neutrality had been violated. Belgium's neutrality was subsequently violated, at 6 a.m. on August 4th, by the German advance through it heading towards Paris, and this brought the British Empire into the war as a 'defender' of Belgium. With this, five of the six European powers were now involved in the largest continental European conflict since the Napoleonic Wars.

The Germans ask for Peace in 1916

In his 1961 speech at the Willard Hotel, Benjamin Freedman pointed out that in 1916 Germany sent peace approaches to Great Britain. These were published in the newspapers throughout the world. Examples are The Brisbane Courier, 5 October, 1916, p.7, the Chicago Tribune, 13 Dec, 1916, and The Adelaide Advertiser, 14 December 1916, pps:7,9.

The German Note says:--"The most terrific war in history, which has been raging for 2½ years, has been a catastrophe, which 2,000 years of civilisation was unable to prevent. The spiritual and material progress, which was the pride of Empire, has been threatened with ruin. Germany and her Allies have given proof of their unconquerable strength. The continuance of the war will not break our resistance. We were obliged to take up arms to defend the cause of justice, our liberty, and our national evolution. We had no aim to shatter or annihilate our adversaries. Despite our consciousness of military and economic strength, and our readiness to continue the war, we propose to conclude a peace which will guarantee the existence of our honor, liberty, and evolution. If our enemies refuse to accept reconciliation, Germany and her Allies are resolved to continue the war to a victorious end. We solemnly decline, to take the responsibility before humanity and history. If our enemies refuse to stop the slaughter in order to continue their plans of conquest and annihilation every German heart will burn with sacred wrath. God will be our judge. We will proceed fearless and unashamed. We are ready for fighting, and we are ready for peace."

In the Chicago Daily Tribune (December 13, 1916), it was also revealed that Germany sent peace offers to United States in order to end World War 1, and Germany even asked for the Pope's aid to join with Neutral Powers for European peace. But the newspaper also reveals that it was Great Britain who rejected Germany's peace terms. In a subsequent Chicago Tribune (December 20) Great Britain again publicly announced their rejection of Germany's peace terms through British Prime Minister Lloyd George with the headline "War Must Go On: Lloyd-George to Germany".

It should also be noted that Wilson declared war against Germany by lying to Americans that the Germans were the aggressors, when in fact that it was Great Britain who rejected the peace terms of Germany and her Allies in order to continue the war as mentioned above. In a much later speech, in 1961, the well-known businessman Benjamin Freedman revealed that Great Britain drove the United States into war against Germany in order to promise Palestine to Zionists via the infamous Balfour Declaration.

Chronology of the fighting

##### Opening moves

###### French cavalry August 1914.

On the Western Front, the Schlieffen Plan had called for the right flank of the German advance to pass through Belgium and to the west of Paris. Hostilities began on 2 August 1914 with the occupation of Luxembourg by German troops, pre-empting the planned French attack.

The right wing of the German army then advanced on the 3rd/4th August in Belgium. Despite the unexpectedly strong resistance, the fortress of Liège (Lüttich) was taken. According to the French deployment plan, which was also very offensively oriented, the French concentrated their attacks on the German Imperial Territory of Alsace-Lorraine.

Initially, the Germans had great success in the Battle of the Frontiers (14 to 24 August). The first Western offensives of the French armies were repelled in the Battle of Mulhouse (19 August) and in the battles in the Vosges and Lorraine (20 to 22 August). However, the capacity and low speed of horse-drawn transport hampered the German supply train, allowing French and British forces to finally halt the German advance east of Paris at the First Battle of the Marne (September 5 until September 12), thereby denying Germany a quick victory and forcing them to fight a protracted war on two European fronts. The German army had fought its way into good defensive positions inside France and had permanently incapacitated 230,000 French and British troops, more than it had lost itself.

###### German troops in German East Africa.

Some of the first clashes of the war involved British, French and German colonial forces in the German colonies in Africa: Togo, Kamerun, South-West Africa and East Africa. On August 7, French and British troops invaded German Togoland. On August 10, nominal German forces, but aided by aircraft, in South West Africa, made a pre-emptive attack against South African forces. German forces in East Africa, where constant sporadic and fierce fighting continued for the whole of the war, remained undefeated until after the Armistice of November 11, 1918, when they surrendered to the vastly larger British and Empire forces they had tied up for the duration.

###### Asia and the Pacific

Japan besieged Germany’s Kiautschou Bay territory, along with the new city, harbour and coastal concessions of Tsingtau, on the Shandong peninsula of China, a valuable coaling port with a floating dock as well as a graving dock, and the base of the German East Asiatic Naval Squadron - which departed for Germany upon the outbreak of war. A bitter but hopeless defence was put up by the garrison using the colony's forts and several obsolete gunboats (including the Austro-Hungarian Kriegsmarine cruiser S.M.S. Kaiserin Elizabeth), but ultimately there was a surrender. The Japanese then proceeded to take the German Micronesian island colonies.

New Zealand occupied German Western Samoa, which was still in German hands, on August 30. On September 11 the Australian Naval and Military Expeditionary Force landed on the island of New Britain, which formed part of German New Guinea. Within a few months, the Allied forces had seized all the German colonies in the Pacific.

##### Trench Warfare Begins

###### French troops in action with a mortar catapult