Neo Liberalism

Intellectual Origins and Core Doctrine

Neo-liberalism is a comprehensive political and economic philosophy advocating for free-market Capitalism, which became the dominant paradigm in global policymaking from the late 20th century onwards.

It is a specific policy toolkit designed to significantly increase the role of the private sector within the economy and society.

Core policy tenets consistently associated with this ideology include privatisation, deregulation, labour market flexibilisation, economic globalisation, free trade, monetarism, austerity measures, and reductions in government expenditure.

The ideology transcends mere economic considerations, functioning as an inherently political project focused on establishing institutions necessary to sustain market logic.

The primary objective is to confine state power to a narrow range of functions, rooted in the belief that private property and freedom of contract are essential for preventing coercion and ensuring the wide dispersal of power.

The intellectual movement arose in the late 1940s as a deliberate ideological counterpoint to the extensive state models prevalent in the 20th century, notably fascism, communism, and social democracy.

Early proponents gathered at the Colloque Walter Lippmann in 1938, where neo-liberalism was defined as prioritising the price mechanism, free enterprise, competition, and a strong, impartial state.

The formation of the Mont Pelerin Society in 1947 cemented a consensus among architects such as Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman, Ludwig von Mises, and James M. Buchanan, uniting them in the belief that individual freedom was under threat from collectivist trends.

Neo-liberalism advocates for fiscal orthodoxy, arguing that fiscal responsibility must be prioritised over social redistribution to encourage individuals to become self-reliant. The implementation of these market-oriented policies was notably controversial, as influential early applications occurred under the overtly coercive authoritarian regime of Augusto Pinochet in Chile.

Policy Toolkit and Economic Objectives

Neo-liberal thinkers consistently assert that economic and political freedom are inextricably linked, claiming that competitive capitalism serves to protect people from discrimination and diminish the coercive power of political leaders.

A central feature of this doctrine is unwavering support for free trade, which is argued to promote economic growth, reduce poverty, maximise consumer choice, and underpin freedom itself, while protective tariffs are deemed distortions harmful to economic performance.

In terms of social provision, neo-liberals typically endorse a modest welfare state, including social insurance and public goods, yet they remain highly sceptical of extensive government regulation and countercyclical fiscal policy.

Hayek supported the provision of a basic minimum income and regulations concerning working hours and workplace safety. However, neo-liberal social policy shifted structurally away from systems based on solidarity and shared fate toward individualised, responsibility-tracking workfare.

This evolution stipulates an austere self-responsibility for the individual, establishing an obligatory self-responsibility as a direct duty to the common good, ensuring individuals do not burden the nation with costly behaviour. The fundamental unit of membership thereby shifts from the citizen to the worker citizen, whose worth is conditional on individual contribution and strict reciprocity.

The Crisis of Neo-Liberalism and Societal Fallout

The long-term implementation of neo-liberal policies generated a profound crisis of legitimacy stemming from significantly increased economic inequality and insecurity. This structural outcome resulted from policies transferring public resources into private hands, leading to an extreme monopolisation and centralisation of corporate and financial power.

The expansion of globalisation severely impacted the domestic labour market, causing a substantial decline in manufacturing employment. High-value, stable manufacturing and construction jobs—which offer benefits substantially higher than those found in service industries—were consequently replaced by pervasive lower-wage service sector employment. This phenomenon contributed to the general sense that neo-liberalism was masking a successful project for the restoration of ruling-class power.

The massive increase in material insecurity provoked a potent political response, largely manifesting through the rise of right-wing nationalist and populist movements. This economic injury is often displaced onto cultural anxieties, allowing the populist agenda to be dominated by issues such as the pernicious ideologies of wokism and LGBT lunacy, as well as the enforced and co-ordinated migration of third worlders in to all White Christian lands, effectively insulating the structural mechanisms of global capital from genuine ideological challenge.

This dynamic attracts the "*surviving but declining middle class,*" marked by status anxiety and societal pessimism, toward an ethnic nationalism featuring a principled rejection of immigration on cultural grounds.

The Rise and Nature of National-Populist Mutation

The right-wing reaction is best understood as a national-populist mutation of neoliberalism, rather than its outright rejection. This hybrid model secures political viability by retaining the core neo-liberal accumulation strategies—low corporate taxation, competitive openness, and financial market credibility—while utilising nationalism as a political tool to modify peripheral elements and divert popular discontent toward cultural grievances.

The mutation is characterised by a structural shift in state focus away from the regulation of capital toward the control of people, primarily through stringent border security and cultural mandates. This prioritisation exhibits an authoritarian tendency, insulating the market from democratic pressure to ensure capital accumulation, often leading to a highly coercive framework.

Nationalist regimes utilise this model to finance domestic interventionist demands without compromising their commitment to low corporate taxes. Strategic tariffs imposed on trading partners function as an ideological financial substitution, generating substantial fiscal revenue by taxing globalised trade flows, thereby maintaining commitment to the neo-liberal business faction.

The imposition of tariffs and strict border enforcement policies are politically justified as protecting the nation from the disastrous effects of unlawful mass migration and resettlement. In essence, nationalist sovereignty is leveraged to pursue a purer, unbound form of neo-liberal accumulation than was possible within prior transnational institutional structures.

Social and Cultural Consequences

The fundamental challenges faced by modern Western society derive from a detachment from sacred tradition, plunging civilisation into the broken, fallen material realm, exacerbated by the extreme aggression of the market.

The subsequent loss of sacred order has resulted in rampant Materialism and pervasive selfism. Individuals seek momentary fulfilment in passing pleasures, such as hedonism, gluttony, and sexual promiscuity, which ultimately produce counter-effects and leave the soul hollowed out. Sexual relations, divorced from spiritual union and the transcendent bonding of masculine and feminine energies, become commodified, contributing to the fracturing of the family and society.

The core problem facing the West is the simultaneous decline of both religion and nation. Classical liberals mistakenly presumed that the Christian moral structure and national sovereignty would perpetually function as civic foundations; however, globalism and hyper-neo-liberalism have destroyed this traditional architecture.

The liberal regime operates as a tyrannical globalist project, relying on propaganda and distractions to dominate the masses and enforce Conformity.

Furthermore, Western women have been deeply indoctrinated against their own interests and tradition, leading them to prioritise individualism and becoming the girl boss over family formation.

This mentality is a contributing factor to the catastrophic decline in birth rates among White Britons. Policies intended to incentivise child-rearing are accelerating demographic decline by primarily benefiting highly reproductive minority groups, such as those of Pakistani, Bangladeshi, and African ancestry, who retain a strong transcendent dimension and high in-group loyalty.

The total end of the push for equality, divorced from sacred meaning, is the complete eradication of the European people and their history. The necessary solution to this civilisational collapse is determined to be a return to sacred order, demanding individual sacrifice, duty, discipline, and the re-embracement of authority and hierarchy.