Hitler on WW1

The Economic Aftermath of World War I

Following the conclusion of World War I, the German nation held a belief that the cessation of hostilities would herald a return to prosperity through diligence and perseverance. This optimism proved unfounded as the state emerged from the conflict burdened by immense financial liabilities.

Unlike the precedent set by Frederick the Great, who restored Prussia to financial stability without debt after the Seven Years' War through immense exertion, the German post-war condition was defined by encumbrance. The national debt stood at seven or eight billion marks, yet this figure was compounded by the imposition of global debts in the form of reparations.

The economic sovereignty of the nation was effectively dismantled as the output of German labour ceased to benefit the domestic worker. Instead, the fruits of industry and agriculture were transferred to foreign creditors.

The transport of goods across borders served not as trade but as tribute, with the German worker toiling to satisfy the demands of entities and individuals they would never encounter. This system of reparations created a cycle of enslavement where increased effort resulted only in tighter chains. The trajectory of this economic arrangement pointed toward the total pledging of German land and the absolute destruction of national sovereignty.

The Political Collapse of 1918

The events of November 1918, frequently portrayed as a revolution or a new beginning, marked a catastrophic collapse rather than a triumph. This period signified the commencement of an era characterised by economic ruin and political humiliation.

The dismantling of the German army equated to the forfeiture of national independence, creating a vacuum of power that allowed for the domination of the Reparations Commission over the state's financial freedom.

Germany, formerly a proud entity, was reduced to the status of a colony subject to the whims of the outside world. This degradation was not solely externally imposed but was facilitated by internal capitulation.

The nation tore down its own dignity, mocked its sacred institutions, and denied its own honour in a futile attempt to appease foreign powers. The promise that the revolution would bring social gains proved to be an illusion, elusive and insubstantial.

While the eight-hour workday was heralded as a victory, it held no intrinsic value when the nation itself was collapsing and foreign creditors retained the power to dictate longer working hours at will.

The Illusion of Freedom and Democracy

The transition to the new political order was justified by the claim that the people now ruled, yet this assertion contradicted the reality of the post-war years.

For three years following the upheaval, the populace was not consulted, while governments that materialised overnight signed treaties binding the nation for centuries. These authorities claimed to represent the people but acted without their mandate.

The concept of freedom purportedly delivered by the revolution was equally deceptive. While individuals retained the liberty to move physically, true freedom of expression was curtailed. A fear of offending politicians replaced the historical deference to monarchs, resulting in a silenced citizenry.

The primary beneficiaries of this transformation were not the common people or the working class, but the banks and stock exchanges. The promise to destroy capitalism resulted paradoxically in the entrenchment of financial power. The worker did not gain liberation but merely exchanged one master for another, finding themselves dependent on those who had promised emancipation.

The Nature of Capital and the Financial Oligarchy

The rhetoric of the revolution distinguished poorly between different forms of capital, leading to the preservation of the most parasitic elements of the economic system.

Assurances that all capitalism would vanish failed to materialise; instead, industrial capital, which is tied to production, suffered, while financial and loan capital expanded.

The international stock exchange emerged as a super-national power, unrestricted by borders and flourishing amidst the ruin of the national economy.

Those who controlled this financial apparatus viewed themselves not as citizens of any specific nation but as rulers over them. This elite class thrived on the misery of the German worker.

While the labourer struggled for basic survival, unable to afford even modest leisure, the beneficiaries of the financial order indulged in exorbitant luxury. This disparity was not merely a matter of wealth but represented the rise of a new ruling class that lived apart from the populace, surrounded by privilege while millions in the East starved.

These new rulers, often styling themselves as servants of the people, monopolised resources and enjoyed the arts and comforts of life while the masses faced deprivation.

The Betrayal by the Left

The leadership of the revolutionary left, having seized power, proved fundamentally deceptive. They spoke of equality while establishing new hierarchies of domination. The accumulated wealth taken from the old bourgeoisie became meaningless as the basic necessities of life, such as bread, were rationed and controlled by the state.

The perpetrators of this deception had no incentive to end the chaos, for their power was derived from confusion and instability. A return to order or an admission of their deceit would precipitate their downfall, as the public, upon realising the extent of the betrayal, would exact retribution.

However, a gradual awakening began to stir among the masses. The realisation that they had been betrayed spread irresistibly, causing the old leaders to sense the growing anger of the populace. In an attempt to maintain control, these leaders turned to extremism and sought to divide the nation further, pitting intellectuals against workers.

This strategy of division was essential to their continued rule, as a united people would possess the strength to resist.

The Failure of the Right

While the Left was characterised by deception, the Right was defined by its incapacity to act. The traditional conservative forces failed to comprehend the existential nature of the struggle facing Germany.

They viewed politics as a parliamentary game involving elections and offices, rather than a battle for the survival of the nation. Their error lay in believing that the worst possible outcome was merely a loss of position or comfort, failing to recognise that the struggle threatened their very lives.

The Right remained timid, hesitating to resist and engaging in debate when action was required. They fundamentally misunderstood the era, confusing loyalty to a dynasty or a monarch with loyalty to the nation.

They failed to see that the concept of the nation transcends petty politics and the ambitions of individuals. The preservation of the people and their culture must take precedence over the form of government, whether monarchy or republic.

The Synthesis of National and Social Ideals

The remedy to the nation's dissolution lay in the unification of the concepts of nationalism and socialism, which had been artificially separated. The terms national and social were identified not as enemies but as twins.

The separation of these ideals was attributed to the influence of Jewish Marxism, which sought to set the nation against labour and labour against the nation. The true objective was to reunite these forces.

To be national was defined as loving one's people with boundless devotion, even to the point of death. To be social was defined as building a community so just that every individual would willingly sacrifice for it. In this unified state, class distinctions would be abolished.

While differences in occupation and skill would remain, the fundamental tie of blood would bind all Germans into a single brotherhood. The engineer, the farmer, and the craftsman were all integral parts of this whole, and the only individual standing outside this community was the parasite or idler.

The Aryan Conception of Work

A fundamental distinction was drawn regarding the nature of work based on racial characteristics. To the Aryan, labour was the foundation of communal life, a noble pursuit that supported the state. In contrast, other races were described as viewing work merely as a means of exploitation. This difference in perspective fuelled the eternal conflict between the creative forces of production and those who consumed without producing.

Work is the bond joining all citizens and the only true nobility of the state. Whether wielding a pen or a hammer, the creator was honoured, provided their work benefited the whole community. This understanding of work was presented as springing from the very race and heritage of the German people.

The Necessity of Will and Power

Economic independence was declared impossible without political freedom. The notion of internationalism was rejected as a falsehood; instead, freedom was posited as the product of strength and will.

A burning will to power was deemed essential for the people to regain control over their destiny. Only when Germans held their fate in their own hands could the homeland become a paradise; otherwise, it would remain a prison.

Power was not defined by numerical superiority but by energy, faith, and the courage to act. History could be changed by even a small band of people if they were filled with absolute conviction. Truth alone was insufficient unless carried into action by an indomitable will.

The Early Struggle and the Role of Agitators

The movement that arose to champion these truths faced immense opposition during its first three years. Warnings regarding the Treaty of Versailles, the surrender of arms, and ruinous financial policies were dismissed as agitation, yet these warnings proved correct. The movement was the first to identify the internal danger threatening the people, a danger ignored by others.

The accusation of being agitators was embraced rather than denied. Resistance to the disarmament of the nation was framed as a refusal to submit to ruin. The silence of other political actors was condemned as betrayal, while the vocal opposition of the movement was presented as the only path to truth.

Christian Duty and Anti-Semitism

The struggle against the prevailing corruption is a Christian duty. Jesus is invoked not as a passive sufferer but as a fighter who actively struggled against the corruption of his time, specifically driving money changers from the temple.

A Christian has a duty not to allow their people to be deceived and exploited but to fight for truth and justice. The collapse of ancient Rome under similar corruption was a warning, with the observation that no new tribes existed to renew civilisation should Germany fall today.

Therefore, the preservation of German blood was a prerequisite for the survival of civilisation on earth. Compassion for the suffering masses, men standing in bread lines and mothers unable to feed children, compelled a turning against the exploiters.

The Call for Renewal and Resurrection

The distress of the people was not as artificial agitation but as a passion born of genuine misery.

The critical question was whether this passion would lead to destruction or rebuilding. The established political parties offered no faith or vision to the despairing populace. In contrast, the new movement offered a conviction strong enough to restore dignity and unity.

This path promised not ease but struggle, demanding sacrifice and the courage to endure. The goal was not vengeance but the renewal of the nation.

Every hardship was to be viewed as a means to forge a stronger will, and every humiliation as a reminder of the height to which the nation must rise. The ultimate vision was a Germany where workers, farmers, thinkers, and soldiers stood together, bound by faith rather than fear.

Strength was to be found not in foreign mercy or treaties but in the hearts of the people. The pledge was to restore faith, rebuild unity from ruin, and lead Germany out of darkness into the light.

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